The second portion of the book highlights (as I predicted)
less economic forms of corruption in the American political system. Drew shifts
emphasis from the exploitation of the partisan system with PACs and soft money
to such scandals as those of former President Clinton and that of the Nixon
administration. In addition to analyzing these scandals, Drew attacks the
Clinton administration as being “poll-driven”. She quotes a Democratic
political consultant (whose name is not given) saying, “Reagan used polling to
figure out how to sell his beliefs. Clinton uses polling to figure out what to
believe.” (152). At this point Drew seems to almost be in a fury of assaulting
the Clinton presidency, further claiming that “…even into his second term,
Clinton had given the country no sense of direction.” She even provides some
form of proof: at the beginning of his second term, Clinton apparently formed a
“legacy committee” of his staff designed solely to determine what his legacy
would be. Suffice to say, I and many others would agree that a President
shouldn’t have to use his staff to figure out what he should be passionate
enough about for the country to remember him for it. Drew’s point now becomes
quite clear: the quality of our politicians has declined and is declining.
While our first president, George Washington was instrumental in leading our
country to freedom, not seeking fame but seeking justice, presidents such as
Clinton now, unfortunately, hire people to figure how to make them more famous.
To assure the reader knows this, Drew outright states that “…the last great
presidential leader was Lyndon Johnson…” to finalize her view that standard of
our leaders has plummeted.
Curiously, Drew’s review of the Clinton impeachment trials
has surprisingly little to do with Clinton himself. Instead, she stresses
another source of corruption of American politics: extreme partisanship. Drew
points out that the Senators’ opinions on Clinton’s impeachment had a
tremendous tendency to be partisan in nature. One needs only examine the
results of the vote to see this: almost every Republican senator voted guilty
on both Articles (a perjury charge and an obstruction of justice charge), and
the opposite holds true for every Democratic senator. Perhaps fortunately for
Clinton, a handful of Republican senators voted not guilty on both or not
guilty on one charge, which hence turned the tides in Clinton’s favor. It is,
however, highly unlikely that the opinion of every Democratic senator was,
without regard to Clinton’s party affiliation, not guilty on both counts, and
that the verdict of almost every Republican senator was the opposite. This
exemplifies the partisanship displayed in the impeachment trial of Bill
Clinton.
To shift the focus away from Clinton from a bit and back to
the world of money, Drew points out another attention-catching flaw in our
political donation system: Senatorial sabotage. Particularly in the case of
campaign finance reform advocates, certain senators have donated money to
campaigns in an effort to defeat these advocates. One example Drew uses
features Senators McConnell and Feingold. According to Drew, “…McConnell poured
money into Wisconsin in an effort to defeat Russell Feingold, a leading backer
of campaign finance reform.” It would appear, then, that McConnell could not
rely on his own advocacy to defeat campaign finance reform, but instead felt it
would be easier to get someone, anyone, into the Senate who wouldn’t support
campaign finance reform. This almost-petty behavior demonstrates the continued
decline in the quality of politicians.
My prediction from the last post was correct. The second
portion of the book did focus on less-economic aspects of the corruption of the
American political system.
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